The Other Side of Israel

Israeli-Arabs

     In what follows, I have chosen to use “Druze” and “Bedouin” spellings for these communities. The spellings “Druse” and “Beduin” are often used as well.

     “The topic of the Arab sector in Israel is politically charged and represents contradicting narratives – one Jewish, the other Arab. Just as there are differences of opinion within the Jewish sector, there are variances in the Arab sector, and attitudes toward the Jewish sector, the state and its institutions can often even represent polar opposites.
     “To start with, there is no such thing in Israel as one ‘Arab sector’; rather, there are several Middle Eastern populations, some of which are not Arab, and they differ from one another in religion, culture, ethnic origin and historical background. Parenthetically, it is debatable whether there is one cohesive Jewish sector in Israel. Therefore, when we use the terms ‘the Arab sector’ and ‘the Jewish sector,’ it will be only for the sake of simplicity.
     “Within the Arab sector {in Israel}, there are a number of ethnic groups that differ from each other in language, history and culture: Arabs, Africans, Armenians, Circassians and Bosnians. These groups usually do not mingle, and live in separate villages or in separate neighborhoods where a particular family predominates. For example, the Circassians in Israel are the descendants of people who came from the Caucasus to serve as officers in the Ottoman army. They live in two villages in the Galilee – Kafr Kama and Rehaniya – and despite their being Muslim, the young people do not usually marry Arabs.
     “The Africans are mainly from Sudan. Some of them live as a large group in Jisr e-Zarka and some live in family groups within Bedouin settlements in the South. They are called ‘Abid,’ from the Arabic word for ‘slaves.’ The Bosnians live in family groups in Arab villages.
     “The Armenians came mainly to escape the persecution that they suffered in Turkey in the days of World War I, which culminated in the Armenian genocide of 1915.
     “In general, it can be said that the Arab sector is divided culturally into three main groups: urban, rural and Bedouin. Each group has its own cultural characteristics: lifestyle, status of a given clan, education, occupation, level of income, number of children, and matters connected to women – for example, polygamy, age of marriage, matchmaking or dating customs, and dress.
     “The residents of cities – and to a great extent also the villagers – see the Bedouin as primitive, while the Bedouin see themselves as the only genuine Arabs; in their opinion, the villagers and city folk have lost their Arab character. The Arabic language expresses this matter well: The meaning of the word ‘Arabi’ is ‘Bedouin,’ and some of the Bedouin tribes are called ‘Arab’ – for example, Arab al-Heib and Arab al-Shibli in the North.
     “The Bedouin of the Negev classify themselves according to the color of their skin, into hamar (red) and sud (black).
     “Bedouin would never marry their daughters to a man darker than she is, because they do not want their grandchildren to be dark-skinned. Racist? Perhaps.
     “Another division that exists in the Negev is between tribes that have a Bedouin origin, and tribes whose livelihood is agriculture (fellahin), who have low status. A large tribe has a higher standing than a small tribe.
     “The Arab sector in Israel is divided into Muslims, Christians, Druze and Alawites. The Christians are subdivided into several sects – Orthodox, Catholic and Protestant – and among the Muslims, there is a distinct sect of Sufis, who have a significant presence in Baka al-Gharbiya. There is also a Salafi movement in the country. The Islamist movement is organized along the lines of the Muslim Brotherhood.
     “The religion of the Druze is different from Islam, and Muslims consider the Druze heretics. Because of this, the Druze are supposed to keep their religion secret, even from each other, and therefore most are juhal (ignorant, of religious matters). Only a small number of the elder men are aukal (knowledgeable in matters of religion). In the modern age, there have been a number of books published about the Druze religion.
     “The Alawites in Israel live in the village of Ghajar, in the foothills of Mount Hermon, and some live over the border in Lebanon. They are also considered heretics in Islam, and their religion is a blend (syncretism) of Shi’ite Islam, Eastern Christianity and ancient religions that existed in the Middle East thousands of years ago. Their principal concentration is in the mountains of al-Ansariya in northwest Syria, although some are in Lebanon and some migrated southward and settled in Ghajar.
     “The meaning of the word “Ghajar” in Arabic is “Gypsy,” meaning foreign nomads with a different religion. In Syria, the Alawites have ruled since 1966. The Assad family is part of this heretical Islamic sect, and this is the reason for the Muslim objection to their rule. According to Islam, not only do they not have the right to rule, being a minority, but there is significant doubt as to whether they even have the right to live, being idol worshipers. {Theologically, Alawites claim to be Twelver Shiites, but traditionally they have been designated as “extremists – ghulat” and outside the bounds of Islam by the Muslim mainstream for their deification of Ali ibn Abi Talib or Ali, who was the cousin and son-in-law of the Islamic prophet Muhammad.}
     “Some parts of the Arab sector are communities that have lived in the land now called the State of Israel for hundreds of years, but a significant part is the offspring of immigrants who migrated here mainly in the first half of the 20th century – especially after 1882, when Petah Tikva was established. {The reason for this influx was the economic opportunities afforded by the arrival of the Jews escaping from the pogroms of Russia and Eastern Europe and the beginning of the Zionist development of Palestine from a land of desolation to one promising to once more be the land of milk and honey.}
     “Many people from neighboring lands migrated here at that time to work in the Jewish farming communities.
     “Many migrated from Egypt even earlier, to escape being impressed into forced labor as the Suez Canal was being dug. This is how the al-Masri, Masarwa and Fiumi families, as well as many others, came {to Israel}, with names testifying to their Egyptian source. Other families have Jordanian names (Zarkawi and Karaki, for example), Syrian ones (al-Hourani, Halabi), Lebanese (Surani, Sidawi, Trabulsi) and Iraqi (al-Iraqi).
     “The Arabic dialect that most of the Bedouin in the Negev speak is a Saudi-Jordanian dialect, and because of their familial ties to tribes living in Jordan, when the Bedouin become involved in matters of blood-vengeance, they escape to family members in Jordan.
     “The connection between Arab families in Israel and groups in neighboring countries should not be surprising, because until 1948 the borders of Israel were not hermetically sealed, and many Arabs of “Sham” (Greater Syria) wandered almost totally unimpeded, following their flocks and the expanding employment opportunities.
     “The division between traditional and modern outlooks exists in each group, meaning that in each group there is a subdivision: those who are more connected to the tradition of the group and those who are less connected. Among the young, one sees more openness and less adherence to group tradition, and it can be assumed that the youth of the next generation will generally adhere even less to the group’s traditions. This is obvious among the Bedouin groups, because among the young there are more than a few who challenge the Bedouin’s socially accepted ways.
     Education also plays an important role in the changing attitude toward tradition, because Arab academics are usually less linked to social tradition and the framework of the clan, and live more within the framework of nuclear families (father, mother and children). They also tend to move to more open areas, such as mixed cities like Acre, Ramle and Lod, and even to Jewish cities such as Beersheba, Karmiel and Upper Nazareth, where they adopt a modern lifestyle.
     “The shift to the city is also connected to a change in the source of livelihood. There are more {opportunities} in the independent professions and fewer in agriculture – a change due partly to the confiscation of the lands of absentees after the War of Independence.
     “Beyond the religious dividing line that differentiates Jews and non-Jews, another basic division exists between the country’s Jewish and Arab sectors in their general approach to the state.
     “For most of the groups within the Jewish sector, the State of Israel fulfills two roles. One is the political and governmental embodiment of the Jews’ aspirations to return to themselves and to regain the independence and sovereignty over the land of their fathers that was stolen from them after the Second Temple’s destruction.
     “The symbols of the state are Jewish: the national anthem, which includes the words “the Jewish soul yearns”; the flag, which represents the prayer shawl; the Star of David; and the seven-branched menorah. Hebrew is the official language of the state, and on Jewish holidays, the governmental institutions are closed.
     “The second role of the state in the eyes of most Jews is functional: to provide its citizens with security, employment, livelihood, health, education, roads, bridges and social services.
     “For the Arab sector, the first role does not exist. The State of Israel is not the embodiment of their diplomatic and political dreams. The national anthem is not their hymn, the symbols of the state are not their symbols, and {Israel’s} Independence Day is their Nakba (disaster). The second role as well, the functional, is only partly fulfilled in matters of education, planning, roads and infrastructure. One may argue about the causes and reasons, but the facts are clear: How many Arab members are there on government companies’ boards of directors? How many Arab judges are there in the High Court? What is the proportion of Arabs in the academic staff of universities? That said, one cannot ignore the phenomenon of reverse discrimination, either. Laws of planning and building that are observed almost fully within the Jewish sector are very loosely observed within the Arab sector, especially in the Bedouin sector in the Negev. How many thousands of buildings have gone up in the Negev without building permits, on land that does not belong to Bedouin? How is it that there are no sidewalks in Umm el-Fahm, and the distance between the buildings is about the width of the cars? Another example of reverse discrimination exists in the area of marriage. If a Jew dares to marry a woman before he has completed the process of divorce from his present wife, he will find himself behind bars. But if an Arab marries a second, third or fourth wife, the state pays a monthly children’s allowance for each wife separately and without asking too many questions.
     {During my annual visit to Israel this past winter,I passed a number of Arab villages in which there were piles of construction rubble, abandoned buildings, trash and uncompleted new buildings. The shabbiness of these Arab villages contrasted sharply with the various Jewish communities in Israel, where no such dilapidation and shabbiness could be seen. I asked our guide what was the cause of the poor condition of these Arab villages. His explanation was that in Arab villages there was a reluctance on the part of the Arab-run municipal governments to collect taxes – it is viewed as improper for one Arab to collect taxes from another Arab. As a result these Arab municipalities don’t have the financial resources to clean up their environment. Only a small percentage of Arab residents of these Arab villages pay their municipal taxes. This contrasts sharply with the Jewish communities where nearly all residents pay their full share of municipal taxes.}
     “Another case of discrimination in favor of Arabs exists in the area of housing. About 90 percent of the Jewish sector lives in apartments, and about 10% in private houses. In the Arab sector the picture is the reverse.
     “But the characteristic that most unites the country’s Arab sector is the environment in which they live. All the Arabs {outside of Israel} live in one of two situations: in dictatorships in their homeland, or in dictatorships in their diaspora. There is almost no Arab community that has lived in its homeland for dozens of years in a truly democratic state. {In marked contrast,}The Arab citizens of Israel are the only Arab group that lives on its land (especially if you ignore the lands from which they originated) {under} a democratic regime that honors human rights {along with religious and} political freedoms. This is the reason Arabs outside Israel envy Israel’s Arab citizens and call them ‘Arab al-Zibda’ – ‘butter Arabs.’” [Emphasis mine] (Ref. 4)

     Changes are occurring in some sectors of the Israeli-Arab community, where recognition of the right of Israel to exist is being accepted, as is the obligation to serve in the armed forces of the country in which you are a citizen.

     ”The Arab parties in the Knesset {Israeli parliament} oppose Arabs serving in the Israeli Defense Forces or in civilian service, and some of their members do not want Israel to remain a Jewish state. {A} new party, though, advocates allegiance to Israel as a Jewish state and participation in military or national service alongside most Jewish Israelis.” (Ref. 5)

     An Arab-Israeli recently announced that he is founding a Christian-Arab political party that will recognize Israel as a Jewish state. The party name, Brit Hachadasha, in Hebrew means both ‘new allies’ and ‘children of the New Testament.’ The party will urge Christian-Arab Israelis to serve in the army or perform civilian national service. Today, approximately 10% of Israeli’s Arab citizens are Christians.[5]

     According to the party’s founder, “At least in Israel, those who stayed here have been given the right to be a citizen and to integrate. But Israel’s first demand, which I support – and which needs to be understood – is that Israel is the home of the Jewish people.” (Ref. 5)

     In still one more instance of support for the Jewish state, a young Israeli-Arab Christian woman created a stir recently when she posted a strong statement in support of Israel on Facebook. She stated: “I am an Arabic-speaking Christian, but I am not an Arab. I ask, with all due respect, that you not say in the name of Christians that ‘we are Palestinians.’ Hear me, we are not Palestinians and we don’t care about them. We are Israeli Christians, covered in blue and white in our hearts and souls. … We simply love blue and white. And we as Christians will enlist in the IDF and will serve the state…‘” (Ref. 5)

Ahmadiyyat Muslims

     “Haifa is Israel's third largest city, the capital of northern Israel and gateway to the Galilee, and home to over a quarter of a million residents. Its outstanding record of coexistence among its diverse population of Jews, Christians, Muslims, Bahá'is, Druze and Ahmadis is a model of cultural and religious pluralism and harmony.” (Ref. 6)

     The Ahmadiyyat Muslims arrived in the British Mandate of Palestine in 1927 and found a home in the suburb, then a village, of Kababir in Haifa in 1928. Rather than following the clerical literature of Islam, they adhere only to the text of the Quran and to the traditions of the Prophet Muhammad. They encourage self-learning and the idea of personal experience with God. The Ahmadis are a minority in Israel and in the world and have been persecuted in many countries, mainly Islamic countries that have deemed the Ahmadis as heretic. Israel, however, is perhaps the only nation in the Middle East that guarantees their safety to practice their religion and, therefore, the community has been able to expand. They have built the Mahmood Mosque and an adjoining community center in the Kababir section of Haifa. The relations between the Ahmadiyyat Muslims and the Jews has been excellent, which cannot be said of their relations with the rest of the Muslim world.[7]

     I have personally visited the Kababir neighborhood in Haifa, visited the Mahmood Mosque and its adjoining Muslim community center, and talked with one of the Ahmadi religious leaders. I can attest to the fact that Haifa Ahmadis are fully integrated into Israeli society, as are nearly all the Arabs and Muslims in Haifa.

Israeli-Druze

     The members of the Druze community in Israel are staunch supporters of the Jewish state. In Israel’s several wars with its Arab neighbors, a disproportionate number of Druze have fallen in defense of Israel. The bond between Jewish and Druze soldiers is commonly known by the term "a covenant of blood".

     The Druze are of Arab descent, but they do not practice the Islamic religion. The Druze religion was established at the beginning of the 11th century but only in the 19th century were they recognized as an independent congregation by the Ottoman regime. Their culture is Arab and their language Arabic, but they opted against mainstream Arab nationalism in 1948 and have since served (first as volunteers, later within the draft system) in the Israel Defense Forces and the Border Police.[8]

     The Druze are a religious minority in Israel. In 2010, there were 125,300 Druze living in the country,[9] – many in and around the Druze towns of Isfiya and Daliyat al-Karmel near Haifa. In 1957, the Israeli government designated the Druze as a distinct ethnic community at the request of its communal leaders. The Druze are Arabic-speaking Citizens of Israel and they serve in the IDF. Members of the community have attained top positions in Israeli politics and public service. Many Druze of college age attend the nearby Haifa University and Technion, and there are members of the faculties at these universities that are Druze.

     The Druze are very communal or clannish. Intermarriage outsize the Druze religion is forbidden. The Druze are, however, very hospitable to outsiders. I spent several very pleasant hours in Isfiya, learning about the Druze people and their religion and enjoying a delectable strictly kosher meal in the home of a Druze family.

     The Druze community reveres Jethro, the non-Jewish father-in-law of Moses. It has been claimed that the Druze are actually descendants of Jethro. According to the biblical narrative, Jethro joined and assisted the Israelites in the desert during the Exodus from Egypt, accepted monotheism, but ultimately rejoined his own people. In fact, the tomb of Jethro near Tiberias in Israel is the most important religious site for the Druze community.

     The relationship between Israeli Jews and Druze since Israel's independence in 1948 is both emotional and practical, partly because of the considerable number of Israeli Druze soldiers that have fallen in defense of Israel during the country’s many wars with its Arab neighbors.

     Many Druze-Israelis have achieved prominent status in Israel. A Druze politician, Majalli Wahabi, served as the acting President of Israel in February 2007.[10] Five Druze lawmakers were elected to serve in the 18th Knesset, a disproportionately large number considering their population.[9] Reda Mansour a Druze poet, historian and diplomat, explained: "We are the only non-Jewish minority that is drafted into the military, and we have an even higher percentage in the combat units and as officers than the Jewish members themselves. So we are considered a very nationalistic, patriotic community."[10]

     In 1973, the Zionist Druze Circle, a group whose aim was to encourage the Druze to support the state of Israel fully and unreservedly was founded.[10]

     In 2007, the group’s founder stated that “‘The state of Israel is a Jewish state as well as a democratic state that espouses equality and elections. . ., the fate of Druze and Circassians in Israel is intertwined with that of the state. This is a blood pact, and a pact of the living. We are unwilling to support a substantial alteration to the nature of this state, to which we tied our destinies prior to its establishment’ he said. As of 2005 there were 7,000 registered members in the Druze Zionist movement. In 2009, the movement held a Druze Zionist youth conference with 1,700 participants.
     “In a survey conducted in 2008, {a report from} the Tel Aviv University found that more than 94% of Druze youth classified themselves as ‘Druze-Israelis’ in the religious and national context.
     “On 30 June 2011, {The Israeli newspaper} Haaretz reported that a growing number of Israeli Druze were joining elite units of the military, leaving the official Druze battalion, Herev, understaffed.” (Ref. 10) In other words, the Druze youth were opting to be integrated into elite IDF units, rather than serving in an all-Druze IDF battalion.

     The IDF Sword Battalion (Hebrew: Gdud Herev), formerly known as Unit 300 and as the IDF Minorities Unit, is an Arabic-speaking unit of the IDF. Non-Jewish minorities also serve in the Druze Reconnaissance Unit and the Bedouin Trackers Unit. In 1987, “Unit 300" was officially renamed the ‘Sword Battalion.”[11]

     The Minorities Unit was formed in the early summer of 1948 by incorporating a unit of Druze defectors from the Arab Liberation Army and small numbers of Bedouins and Circassians. It has fought in every war since. Today, most members of the unit are Druze, but there are also Bedouins, Circassians and Christian and Muslim Arabs. The unit has produced several generals. The Minorities Unit has a small elite Sayeret special forces branch.[11]

     Today, Druze and Circassian men are subject to mandatory conscription into the IDF. In the mid-1950s, the Druze leadership appealed to David Ben-Gurion, then Minister of Defense, to draft Druze men on the same basis as Jews. The State Defense Act of 1949, which called for drafting all individuals in the country, allowed the minister to issue exemptions for certain groups. The Druze asked that their exemption be canceled. Originally, they served in the framework of a special unit. Since the 1980s, Druze soldiers have joined regular combat units, attaining high ranks and commendations for distinguished service. 83% of Druze boys serve in the IDF and 369 Druze soldiers have been killed in combat operations since 1948.[11]

     There are four Druze villages on the Golan Heights, which Israel captured from Syria and later formally incorporated into the State of Israel. In the late 1970s, the Israeli government offered citizenship to all non-Israelis living in the Golan, which would entitle them to an Israeli driver's license and enable them to travel freely in Israel. Most Druze in the region, however, continue to regard themselves as Syrian citizens, with less than 10% having accepted Israeli citizenship. As Israel does not recognize the Syrian citizenship of the Golan Heights Druze, they are defined in Israeli records as "residents of the Golan Heights." Golan Heights Druze are not drafted by the IDF. In 2012, young Druze applied for Israeli citizenship in much larger numbers than in previous years because of the ongoing Syrian civil war. Also, because of bloodshed in Syria, many Golan Heights Druze who were attending schools in Damascus have now switched to schools in Israel. Public support for the Syrian government of Bashar al-Assad has historically been high among Golan Druze and Assad's government had secured agreements with the Israeli government to permit Golan Druze to conduct trade across the border with Syria.[10]

Israeli-Bedouins

     Israeli Bedouins have a schizophrenic relationship with Israel. These Bedouin Arabs are divided in their views of Israel, with some acting as loyal citizens of the state, while others side with Israel’s enemies in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

     “Bedouin citizens of the State of Israel hold divergent views about the Israeli state. Some Bedouin Israelis are very loyal to the Jewish state. These Bedouin proudly serve in the IDF as Israeli Arab soldiers, viewing it to be a family tradition, and some of them even work for the Israeli government in senior level positions. They love the vibrant Israeli democracy and view Israel to be a country that respects their rights. However, other Israeli Bedouins, especially the ones living in unrecognized villages in Southern Israel, support the Palestinians and engage in anti-Israel activism.” (Ref. 12)

     "We're not big Zionists, but we are proud Israelis." This is how a Bedouin, who has a master's degree in Political Science from Tel Aviv University and serves in Israel’s Foreign Service, describes his own people, the Bedouin. "The Bedouin are more tribal than nationalistic," he said. It’s that deeply ingrained tribal culture that has allowed the Bedouin to survive centuries of nomadic existence, but it’s also the trait that presents barriers to their continued wellbeing in modern Israel.[13]

     With a birth rate amongst the highest in the world, the Israeli Bedouin population has grown tenfold since the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. Today Bedouins comprise almost 3% of the population of Israel, but in the Negev desert region, Bedouins make up 25% of the residents.[13]

     Most of the Bedouin in the Negev hail from a region in the north of the Arabian peninsula from where they migrated between the 14th and 18th centuries, making them relatively recent arrivals in Israel. Historically, the Bedouin have been nomadic or semi-nomadic tribes, traveling from one grazing pasture to another. The Bedouin organize themselves around clans of extended family members and it’s not unusual for a Bedouin man to father several dozen children with different wives.[13]

     “In 1948, when Egyptian and Saudi Arabian forces invaded Israel, the Negev was turned into a battleground. Some 90,000 Bedouin fled to Egypt or Jordan, and by the end of 1948, only 11,000 remained in the deserts of southern Israel. The newly independent Jewish state saw the Negev as a potential area for growth and development, and gave little thought to the Bedouin living there. Since the Negev constitutes 60% of Israel’s total land mass, every Israeli government since 1948 has tried to preserve Negev land for future development, and ignored Bedouin claims to the area. Despite this core land conflict, Israel was the first body to take any interest at all in the Bedouin people, granting them citizenship, and providing them education, medical care, and access to the social benefits enjoyed by every Israeli citizen since the implementation of the National Insurance Law of 1953. Nevertheless, Israel’s government policy has “never been geared to Bedouin needs or desires”. (Ref. 13)

     In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the Israeli government began to push the Bedouin to settle in seven towns in the northern Negev. Israel’s goal was to make it easier to provide basic services and modernize the population, as well as to try to prevent the Bedouin from spreading out over the Negev, and blocking development of new Jewish communities. Today, around half the Bedouin people of the Negev live in these towns, which were built without careful planning or input from Bedouin leaders. The remaining 50 percent prefer to continue to live a traditional nomadic lifestyle in 45 unrecognized villages, which are not hooked up to the national electric, sewage, or water systems. Today, many Israeli politicians and intelligence officials regard the Bedouin with alarm, as their towns have become breeding grounds for crime as well as rising Islamic fundamentalism. [13]

     Traditionally Islam was never a prevalent factor in Bedouin life since Islam stresses that one’s number one allegiance should be to Allah, whereas Bedouin primary allegiance has always been to the tribe. It’s only in recent years that this has begun to change, as radical Islamists have seen in the rapidly growing Bedouin population an opportunity to expand their reach within Israel’s borders.

     Many Israeli demographers warn that the "Bedouin problem" in the Negev threatens the stability of Israel's southern region. One expert predicts that, "Within five years, the next intifada will break out in the Negev." He lays out a dire scenario, pointing to security problems, crime, drug dealing, and extortion of Negev business owners and farmers by Bedouin gangs.[13]

     Bedouin ties with their brethren in Jordan, Syria, and Egypt raise other security concerns for Israel, as Bedouin identity takes on a new and more radical twist. “There is no difference between the Bedouin and the Palestinians,” declared a Bedouin leader in the Negev in 2007, expressing sentiments not necessarily shared by Bedouin from the Galilee.[13]

     As noted, one segment of the Bedouin population looks unfavorably upon the State of Israel. “Not too long ago, thousands of Israeli Bedouins marched through the city of Be’ersheva, waving PLO flags and banners of the Israeli Islamic Movement, while chanting, ‘With our blood and our spirit we will redeem the Negev.’ These Israeli Bedouin were protesting a decision by the Israeli government to settle them in permanent homes as part of a compromise agreement that recognizes Bedouin legal rights in over 60 percent of the land in the Negev that they have squatted on illegally {for decades, if not centuries}.
     “For these Bedouin, this compromise deal was not good enough because they believe the Negev which makes up 66% of the State of Israel, belongs to the Palestinians and not the Jewish people, despite the ancient Jewish connection and presence in the Negev. These Southern Israeli Bedouin are cooperating with anti-Israel forces who seek to have the Negev become Palestinian, thus connecting Gaza to Judea and Samaria, as well as Egypt.” (Ref. 12)

     One of the most sensitive issues for the Bedouin minority is army service. Israeli Arabs are exempt from the mandatory army service, but since the beginning of the state, a significant number of Bedouin have volunteered to serve in Israel’s defense forces. In 1946, a Bedouin tribal leader sent some of his men to fight alongside the Jewish people in their struggle for independence. Ever since that date, there has been a Bedouin presence in the Israeli Army, which continues to grow by the year. Bedouins mainly do tracking or scouting activities in the IDF, with the Israeli Army’s Desert Reconnaissance Unit consisting entirely of Bedouin soldiers, although Bedouins can be found serving Israel in other capacities. There is even a memorial for Bedouins who have died fighting for the State of Israel in the Galilee.[12]

     An IDF Bedouin Major on the Golan Heights explained his family tradition of serving the State of Israel: “It’s a legacy – it’s something that has been passed on from generation to generation in my family. My father and his father served in the army too.” He claimed, “I will do whatever is required from me to do the job with the full faith in the service of the Israeli state. Yes, I have fought against Muslims in Gaza. And I would fight again if I had to. Israeli Muslims who don’t serve in the IDF should be ashamed for not serving their country.” [12]

     One IDF medic whose father is Bedouin, stated, “I think we can call ourselves a patriotic family. Almost all of us have served in the IDF, and some of us are career soldiers. When a family member decides not to join the IDF, the family isn’t happy.” Other Bedouins who have served in the IDF have now achieved prominent positions within the State of Israel.[ 12]

     “Ismail Khaldi, who started out his career in the IDF, the Israeli Police, and at the Israeli Defense Ministry, is now working for the Israeli Foreign Ministry in London. Previously, he was Israel’s Deputy Consul General in the Pacific Northwest region of the United States. Aetef Karinaoui, a Bedouin Israeli Knesset candidate who has been politically active, also served proudly in the IDF and runs an organization called Social Equality and National Service in the Arab Sector, which seeks to encourage all Israeli Arabs to serve the State of Israel.” (Ref. 12)

     As citizens, Bedouins are eligible for benefits from Israel’s quasi-welfare state. In Rahat, 79% of its residents receive welfare payments, mostly unemployment benefits. Israel encourages large families and awards an allowance for every child born to an Israeli citizen. These grants are very common in Rahat, where 65% of the population is under 18. Meanwhile, hundreds of Israeli citizens are active “in many non-governmental groups that work to ensure that the challenges of the Bedouin do not go unnoticed. They’re Arabs and Jews, dedicated to creating a better future for their fellow Israeli citizens.” (Ref. 13)

     “They {Bedouins serving in the IDF} spend their waking hours on the front line, protecting sovereign Israel and West Bank settlements from terrorist infiltrators. And then some go home to unrecognized villages, slated for destruction.” (Ref. 14) Such is part of the dilemma facing Israel’s Bedouin community.

     Life in Israel for Arabs is not all roses. Still, life in the adjoining Arab countries is far less appealing to most Israeli Arabs and to many Bedouin Muslims. They are all free to leave Israel – few, if any, do. That says it all!

Israeli-Circassians

     Among the nations of the Mid-East, there are none, save the State of Israel, that have welcomed multitudes of people of diverse cultures, ethnicity and religion to live in their midst with complete freedom. Israel was born as a sanctuary for a people banished from their homeland, harassed in exile and ultimately subjected to mass murder. Other peoples that have undergone similar traumas have found a welcoming home in the Jewish state.

     One of the minorities that has found a welcoming environment in the Holy Land after being persecuted elsewhere is Israel’s small Muslim community of Circassians. “Some 1.5 million Circassians were killed in the Caucasian War of the mid-to-late 19th century, and another million — fully 90% of the population — were deported from their land in the Caucasus Mountains. Today, roughly 4,000 Circassians live in Israel, where they constitute the country’s only Sunni Muslim community that sends each of its sons {into Israel’s military}.
      - - -
     “Most Circassians took refuge in the lands of the Ottoman Empire. Today, 2 million of the world’s 7 million Circassians live in Turkey, with another 120,000 in Syria and 100,000 in Jordan. Circassians were Christian for 1,000 years, but from the 16th to the 19th century became Islamized under the influence of Crimean Tatars and Ottoman Turks.
     “In Israel, the community is spread across two villages in the green hills of the Galilee: Kfar Kama — 13 miles southwest of Tiberias, population 3,000; and Rehaniya — nine miles north of Safed, population 1,000. In the 16th century, the Circassians also founded Abu Ghosh, now a famous restaurant town located west of Jerusalem, but their progeny long ago adopted the Arabic language and culture of their surroundings.
     “In 2009, Circassians and Druze . . . staged a joint month-long protest against what they described as government discrimination, alleging that the two communities received less state funding than their Arab or Ultra-Orthodox counterparts. After protracted negotiations, the government last year {2011} allotted $170 million to shore up education, employment, housing and tourism for both populations.
     “The modern histories of Jews and Circassians in the Holy Land are intimately intertwined. Circassians first settled in Kfar Kama in 1876, Rehaniya in 1878. Four years later (and just 10 miles away), Zionist immigrants established Rosh Pina, the first Jewish agricultural settlement in the Galilee.
     “Circassians helped Jewish immigrants — many of them illegal — reach the Promised Land. ‘There was no Ministry of Immigrant Absorption back then. It was the Circassians who took in those immigrants’ . . .
     “’The major division in the Galilee at the time wasn’t between Arabs and Jews, but between sedentary people and Bedouin nomads. The nomads demanded protection money from all the sedentary communities . . . The Circassians, who were sedentary and themselves had come from outside, easily made ties with the Jewish settlers. Later, when the national conflict between Jews and Arabs began in the British Mandate period, the Circassians generally took neutral or pro-Jewish stances.
     “The Circassians identified with the Jews’ history of exile and dispersion, and cordial relations were also aided by the fact that many Jews and Circassians understood Russian.
     “Israel’s Circassians generally no longer speak Russian, but they continue to be remarkable polyglots: Most of their children are fluent in Hebrew and Arabic, learn English at school and their Circassian mother tongue at home. The language (also known as Adyghe) is written in Cyrillic script and is one of the world’s oldest and most difficult to learn.
     “Circassians have a reputation as a warrior people who, until succumbing to imperial Russia, had defended their strategically located homeland against invaders from Persians to Huns and Mongols. In the decades after Israel’s creation, male members of the community flocked to the defense establishment, particularly the border police. - - -
      - - -
     “- - - in recent years the community has been making its mark far beyond the defense arena. Today 80% of Circassian youth complete a postsecondary degree. Circassians are even making waves in international soccer: Kfar Kama’s Bibras Natcho is a midfielder on Israel’s national team. After four seasons with Hapoel Tel Aviv, he now plies his trade for Russia’s Rubin Kazan team.
     “Five years ago, Druze and Circassian authorities launched an ongoing marketing initiative to encourage Israelis to visit {their} communities’ bed-and-breakfasts, tour {their} landscapes and enjoy {their} culture.
     “The Circassians have prospered in the Jewish state. Still, for many, their first loyalty remains to their scattered, beleaguered nation, and some espouse an ideology that Israelis will find familiar: the aspiration for a national home in the land from which they were forcibly banished. (Ref. 15)

     The Circassians in Israel refers to the Adyghe community who live there. They tend to put an emphasis on the separation between their religion and their nationality. As is the case with the Israeli Druze living in the state of Israel, since 1958 all male Circassians (at their leader's request) must complete the Israeli mandatory military service upon reaching the age of majority, while females do not. Many Circassians in Israel are employed in the Israeli security forces, including in the Israeli Border Police, the Israeli Defense Forces, the Israeli Police and the Israeli Prison Service. The percentage of the army recruits among the Circassian community in Israel is particularly high.[16]

     The larger Circassian village of Kfar-Kama has Jewish settlements as neighbors. Children graduating from the village school continue their education at nearby Jewish schools. In the village school, the children are taught Hebrew, English and Circassian. The National Circassian Alphabet of Caucasus is used in teaching Circassian. Reyhaniye is closer to Arab settlements and children from this village are able to go to both Arab and Jewish schools. The Circassians living in these two villages communicate in their own Circassian language. Security, municipal and public service positions are wide open to the Circassians.[17]

     “The Circassian Law (Khabza) regulates the conduct of the Circassians and {they settle} all matters among themselves.” (Ref. 17)

The Baha’i

     “The Baha'i faith was founded in Iran in 1863 by Mirza Husayn ali Nuri (1817-92), known as Bahaullah or Baha Allah (Arabic for ‘splendor of God’). This religion's name comes from the Arabic word for splendor.
     “Baha Allah was imprisoned or exiled from 1852 to 1877. During that time he wrote the Kitab al-aqdas (Arabic for ‘The Most Holy Book’). After his death, his son, Abbas Effendi (1844-1921) or Abd al-Baha, was named the leader of the community and given the power to interpret his father's work. At the time of his father's death, the Baha'i were based in Iran and Acre in Palestine. Through Effendi's travels, he spread the faith around the world.
     “Since 1962, the Baha'i have been administered by the Universal House of Justice, which is elected every five years, and based in Haifa. . . . While their world headquarters is based in Israel, few Baha'is live there. In Iran, the Baha'is were the country's largest minority population and were treated with relative tolerance by the Shah's regime. Since the revolution, however, the Islamic government has persecuted them.
      - - -
     “The gold-domed Shrine of the Bab in Haifa was built in 1953 to contain the tomb of Siyyad Ali Muhammed – the Bab – a Muslim in Persia who proclaimed the coming of a ‘Promised One’ in 1844. He was executed in 1850 in Tabriz, Iran, at the age of 31 for heresy. His disciples who consider him to be a Martyr brought his remains to Haifa in 1909. The man the Bahais believe was the ‘Promised One’ – Baha Allah – is buried near Akko (Acre) where he died in 1892.”(Ref. 18)

     “The establishment of a Baha'i Department under the Ministry of Religious Affairs, the official acceptance of Baha'i marriage and the excusing of Baha'i children from school attendance on Baha'i Holy Days, the exemption of Baha'i properties from taxation and customs duties are all evidences of the official recognition accorded by the State of Israel to the World Centre of the Baha'i Faith.” (Ref. 19)

     There is a long-standing arrangement/agreement between the Baha'i World Center and the Israeli Government that no active teaching of the Faith will occur in Israel. They have agreed to not proselytize or to try to solicit conversions in Israel. Baha'u'llah himself instituted this policy more than 50 years before the establishment of the State of Israel.

     Two of the Baha'i's most important shrines are located in Israel: the Bahai Gardens in Akko (Acre) and the Baha'i Gardens in Haifa, which is comprised of 19 terraced gardens, leading up the slope of Mt. Carmel. This dramatic pathway leads visitors to the shrine, the highlight of which is the striking gold dome which can be seen for miles. Inside the shrine, prayer and meditation are encouraged, though no formal prayer service is held there.

     “The Shrine of the Bab {in Haifa} is one of the most recognized and visited landmarks in Israel. The peaceful gardens and impressive shrine bring in many pilgrims every year, as well as tourists of all faiths. Despite the importance of these Israeli landmarks in the Baha'i faith, there is no Baha'i community in Israel. The only Baha'i residents of Israel are the volunteer workers at the sites. Bahaullah left explicit instructions that spreading the faith and accepting converts was forbidden in a land where such preaching might be controversial. The absence of proselytizing, the tremendous income generated by the holy shrines, and the Baha'i edict of loyalty to whatever government is in power in their land have forged a very positive relationship between the Baha'i faith and the Israeli government.” (Ref. 20)

”Illegals”

     Drive along one of the main streets in Tel Aviv early on a week-day morning, and you will see groups of Blacks standing or sitting on the sidewalks. These are Black refugees from Africa, mainly Sudan or Eritrea, who have entered Israel illegally. They are sometimes referred to as “illegals” by Israelis. They are hoping to be picked up by Israeli contractors and given work.

     The illegal arrival of a large number of “undocumented workers from Africa” into Israel began around 2010, mainly through the unfenced border between Israel and Egypt. According to the data of the Israeli Interior Ministry, the number of these illegal immigrants amounted to 26,635 people up to July 2010, and over 55,000 in January 2012.[21]

     Many of the undocumented workers are seeking asylum status under United Nations conventions. But only a fraction of all the undocumented workers are actually eligible for this status. Many of them, mostly citizens of Eritrea and Sudan, cannot be forcibly deported from Israel for fear of being killed. The Eritrea citizens (who, since 2009, form the majority of the undocumented workers in Israel) cannot be deported because they face death, persecution or enslavement if returned to Eritrea. They have therefore been defined as a "temporary humanitarian protection group". Despite the fact that a similar opinion does not exist in relation to citizens of Sudan, Israel does not deport them back to Egypt because of an all-too-real fear for their fate. Although the immigrants entered Israel from Egypt, Israel cannot deport them back to Egypt because the Egyptians refuse to promise that they will not deport the immigrants back to their countries of origin, where their fate would be, at best, uncertain. Accordingly, the Israeli authorities grant a temporary residence permit to the undocumented workers. Various authorities in Israel estimate that between 80–90 percent of the undocumented workers live primarily in two centers: Tel Aviv (more than 60% of the Illegal immigrants) and Eilat (more than 20%), with a few in Ashdod, Jerusalem and Arad.[21]

     Illegal immigration from Africa to Israel until recently has been relatively easy because Israel's land border with Egypt has been absent of obstacles. This has changed since 2013 when a fence was erected along the Israel-Egypt border in an effort to stop or slow down the flood of illegal immigrants. “While 9,570 citizens of various African countries entered Israel illegally in the first half of 2012, only 34 did the same in the first six months of 2013, after construction of the barrier was completed. It represents a decrease of over 99%.” (Ref. 21)

     In some of the illegal immigrants' countries of origin humanitarian crises exist. The UNHCR (United Nations High Commission for Refugees) has declared Eritrea as a country in humanitarian crisis. In the Darfur region in western Sudan, a genocide has been taking place since 2003. As a result, many of its residents became refugees and fled to Egypt. Added to those were refugees from southern Sudan, where civil war took place between the predominantly Arab Muslim inhabitants of the north and the non-Arab, Christian and animist inhabitants of the south.[21]

     Upon their arrival in Israel, most illegal immigrants request refugee status. Israel does not review the status of the individual asylum seekers from Eritrea or Sudan, who constitute about 83% of the total coming through the Egyptian border and, instead, automatically grants them a "temporary protection group" status. This allows these illegal immigrants to gain a temporary residence permit within Israel. This also means that they are eligible for a work permit in Israel. In the past, Israel also granted automatic "temporary protection group" status to all citizens of the Ivory Coast and South Sudan.

     After 2005, as conditions in Africa worsened, there was a significant increase in the number of undocumented workers who crossed the Egyptian border. The numbers of undocumented workers detained was about 1,000 in 2006. In the first half of 2010, the illegal immigration rate had increased to over 8,000 in just the first 7 months. The total number of undocumented workers is clearly greater than these figures, because many were not apprehended. The early wave of undocumented workers came mainly from Sudan, while in 2009 the majority of the immigrants were from Eritrea. In early May 2010, it was estimated that over 24,000 undocumented workers resided in Israel.[21]

     African illegal immigrants into Israel usually initially arrive in Egypt from their country of origin by air. From there, they often pay sums of up to $2,000 for Bedouin smugglers to transfer them to the border between Egypt and Israel. There have been cases of abuse against the female illegal immigrants committed by the Bedouin smugglers, including rape and other degradations. Another danger lurking for the illegal immigrants is the Egyptian army policy to shoot at them in order to prevent their crossing the Egypt/Israel border.[21]

     Here’s an anecdotal story about Israel’s treatment of its Illegals. I recently had lunch with a former New Englander who now lives in Tel Aviv 6 months out of the year. Her apartment came with a garage, but she didn’t use it initially since she had no car in Israel. Recently, she bought a car. When she went to use her garage, she found a car parked at its entrance. Each time she went to get her car into the garage, there was always a car blocking the entrance – usually a different car each time. She complained to the police to no avail. She finally found out the reason for her inability to gain entrance to her garage when she asked one of her apartment neighbors what was going on.

     The neighbor explained that there were illegals living in the garage. The people in her apartment building were deliberately parking at the entrance to the garage to prevent her from using the garage in order to protect the illegals. In addition, the neighbors were supplying food and other necessities to the illegals living there.

     In Israel, being a survivor and an escapee from genocide has historical significance and meaning. There are Biblical injunctions to the Israelites to be kind to the stranger and the needy: “And a stranger shalt thou not wrong, neither shalt thou oppress him; for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt.” [Exodus XXII, 20]. “And thou shalt remember that thou wast a servant in the Land of Egypt. ”[Deuteronomy V, 15]. “For the poor shall never cease out of the land; therefore I command thee, saying: ‘Thou shalt surely open thy hand unto the poor and needy . . .’” [Deuteronomy XV, 11]. Israel’s government will not return these survivors of African terror to their homeland where enslavement or death awaits them and private citizens in Israel are going out of their way to help these people.

     Here's another anecdotal instance of how Israel treats escapees from terror. In the late 1970s, the North Vietnamese defeated the South Vietnam regime. In the aftermath of the Vietnam War and the fall of Saigon, hundreds of thousands became refugees. An estimated one million people were imprisoned and masses were sent to “re-education camps”, where 165,000 people are reported to have died.

     Some 145,000 South Vietnamese were brought to the United States. For the rest – hoping to escape Communist persecution and torture – there was no choice but to attempt escape by sea in creaky, overloaded wooden boats.

     On June 10, 1977, an Israeli freighter, en route to Taiwan, sighted a South Vietnamese fishing boat crammed with 66 refugees and took the refugees aboard. No country was willing to accept these refugees.

     But, Menachem Begin’s first act as Israel's new prime minister was to offer asylum and resettlement to the 66 Vietnamese. Those rescued became the first of three groups of Vietnamese refugees to be resettled in Israel. From 1977-79, Israel welcomed over 300 Vietnamese refugees. Many of these immigants have remained in Israel to form the core of a thriving Vietnamese community in Israel.

     A few years ago, I met one of these Vietnamese "Boat People" who was working in a book shop in Jeruslem. When asked how she came to be in Israel, she told the story of the "Boat People" and their rescue and settlement in Israel. She expressed her gratitude to the State of Israel for rescuing her and the other escapees from Viet Nam and told me that she was proud to be a citizen of Israel that had the compassion to take her in, when so many other countries had turned the refugees away.
.

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